Crisis information management is a compulsory subject with a wealth of literature and many case studies. One of the golden rules of crisis communication is that it must contribute to success and not put a spoke in the wheel, not become an additional problem. Just like a good referee in a hotly contested match: keep a low profile, do not become news, i.e. a problem.
The case of the coronavirus pandemic will be paradigmatic as a case study in business schools and political education. Cases compared by countries, which apply different strategies, and we will be able to compare them in due course.
The Spanish government has applied a visible and persevering communication strategy for this crisis. I call it a strategy of "information by flooding". It has occupied every possible news space, especially television, which is where these games are played. Not only the news, but also the other spaces and in all time slots. An easy objective to achieve, since there is no other issue of concern to the public than the epidemic, a public confined to their homes and doomed to consume more television than ever before. Although it is a risky strategy in the medium term, if only because of the old principle that too much is bad for you; and too much information can lead to failure.
In order to flood the media with information, it is necessary to have information material, protagonists and interlocutors at one's disposal. The government has both, so they have occupied every hour, with predictable and reiterated messages and formats. Never before have so many ministers given explanations at all hours with a prepared narrative that revolves around the axis "how well we are doing... we are the world's astonishment. It's serious but we're fixing it". Peak and curve have fascinated the confined audience.
Supporters are calm, the government shows its face. Opponents are always against it. The idea is to occupy the space and the narrative and leave the opponents in the corner of the unhelpful protester. They have succeeded.
Another issue is that sooner or later the mistakes made will have to be explained: how will they explain that Spaniards are the most affected and harmed in the world by this epidemic? The arrogance of the narrative may take its toll in the form of dented credibility. But there is time to remedy this bias.
Another issue is the rhetoric used, especially on the part of the President of the government, who makes long, wordy, baroque, repetitive speeches and poses with a false humility that is usually an indicator of arrogance. Felipe González recently proposed a model of communication that is "austere, brief, direct and empathetic to the mood of the citizens". It is clear that from Felipe to Pedro Sánchez there is a universe of differences in almost everything. Sánchez's rhetoric is neither brief, nor austere, nor direct, nor empathetic. His strengths lie elsewhere; they have to do with resilience and personal determination.
Sánchez's outline runs from the fatality of the virus to the guilt of a selfish Europe that does not help (a dangerous outline), via the exceptionality of his government's political response. This is the framework that does not stand up well to the critical analysis that could emerge from Parliament or journalists, but neither one nor the other has the opportunity to exercise their political function.
A flood of information that stifles any criticism. Although things are not such as to give much room for criticism, in the face of a health emergency that confines the entire population, the only priority is to attend to the sick and prevent the spread of the disease.
Fernando González Urbaneja
Journalist